http://x22.deja.com/=yahoo/getdoc.xp?AN=531719091&CONTEXT=941647799.480510033&hitnum=1
Subject: Mahmoud Abbas ("Mabus") and Rabin Assassination From: prhen@my-deja.com Date: 1999/10/01 Message-ID: <7t3h2d$oqp$1@nnrp1.deja.com> Newsgroups: alt.prophecies.nostradamus [More Headers]
Global Citizens:
I have been studying Millennium prophecies and possible sociopolitical correlates for the last three years with the hypothesis that men will wish to direct Millennium prophecies for their own agenda.
"Mabus soon will die" is a line from Nostradamus Quatrain 2, 62 - Mabus' death signaling the rise of the Antichrist in the Middle East. The name is close enough in phonetics to Mahmoud Abbas - Chief Palestinian Negotiator - to be of concern. In a quote from article #2: "Chief Palestinian negotiator Mahmoud Abbas said Wednesday any permanent peace agreement with Israel must include a complete evacuation of Jewish settlements from the West Bank and Gaza." and "According to an Israeli source close to the Palestinians, PA negotiators Abu Mazen and Abu Ala convinced PA Chairman Yasser Arafat that operative moves toward the establishment of a Palestinian state, even within temporary borders, should begin immediately after the signing of the framework of principles." (3) In my opinion, Mahmoud Abbas' life is at a greater than normal risk - I aware of at least two attempts.
The Book of Ezekiel is prophetic with regard to the Arab condemnation of Israel over land rights - the very issues of the Final Status talks (1,2) - some of which have proceeded in secrecy: "In a secret late-night meeting, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat took peace talks into their own hands and reaffirmed a pledge to knock out a final deal within a year, officials said Friday. (1)"
It seems inevitable that, as negotiations proceed over land rights, the issue of the Temple Mount will rise. It is already rumored that an Arab Parliament Building and neighboring lavish residence are under construction; equidistant with the Israeli Parliment with regard to the Temple Mount (reference available by request). The Third Temple is a Revelation's prophecy and, as long as prophecies exist, there will be men around will who try to direct them.
These are my observations; concerns; the conclusions of my research as an American and Global Citizen.
Relevant quotes from the article below from PA Minister for Jerusalem Affairs and Permanent Status negotiation team member, Faisal Al-Husseini:
"We are not ready to give up [any] of our rights in West Jerusalem, let alone East Jerusalem."
"Our position is like that of the Albanians [in Kosovo], and the Israelis are closer to the Serbs, which means that if he insists on that, his destiny will be like the Serbs."
re: The Beilin-Abu Mazen Document:
"Beilin himself said that we did not sign or agree to this document. He also said that the most important thing regarding this document is that neither of the sides agreed to it. It was an Israeli suggestion Beilin presented to Mahmoud Abbas [Abu Mazen] and other Palestinians. It does not reflect the Palestinian position or Abu Mazen's position."
About the article below - Barry Chamish - author and expert with regard to Rabin assassination says - "I'm passing it on. Barry"
Sincerely and a Lasting Peace in the Middle East;
--- Philip Henika
***Date: Thu, 30 Sep 1999 18:01:26 +0200 (IST) X-Sender: chamish@mail.netvision.net.il Mime-Version: 1.0 To: Henika From: barry chamish Subject: Re: "Rabin was assassinated before he had a chance to see the document..." Beilin-Mazen Agreement Cc: mepf@onelist.com
At 04:15 29/09/99 -0700, you wrote: >Barry - article
"I'm passing it on. Barry"
***>Subject: Palestinian Negotiator on the Jerusalem Issue >From: SailorBob >Date: 1999/09/27 >Message-ID: <37EF1098.9F9DD23B@netvision.net.il> >Newsgroups: soc.culture.israel >[More Headers] > >MEMRI: Palestinian Negotiator on the Jerusalem Issue > >MEMRI Special Dispatch No. 47 > >September 28, 1999 > >Middle East Media and Research Institute (MEMRI) >1815 H Street, NW Suite 404 Washington, DC 20006 >Phone: (202) 955-9070 >Fax: (202) 955-9077 >E-mail: MEMRI@erols.com >Website: www.memri.org > >[MEMRI holds copyrights on all translations. Materials may only be cited >with proper attribution.] > > >Palestinian Negotiator on the Jerusalem Issue > >Following is an interview (1) with the PA Minister for Jerusalem Affairs and >Permanent Status negotiation team member, Faisal Al-Husseini: > >Demands in West Jerusalem > >Question: What is the Palestinian negotiation strategy on Jerusalem? > >Al-Husseini: First, we discuss Jerusalem - East and West. We are not ready >to give up [any] of our rights in West Jerusalem, let alone East Jerusalem. >We have property there, as well as holy places and history. The second >issue is that it was agreed that the negotiations would be based on UN >Resolution 242, and therefore, the borders between the two sovereignties >are the borders of 242. This, however, does not negate our demand for our >rights [in West Jerusalem.] Maybe, just maybe, in some of the areas, >there can be changes in the borders. Nevertheless, our rights there [in >West Jerusalem] are not to be compromised because we own 70 percent of >West Jerusalem on both the popular and the institutional levels. > >Part of the remaining 30 percent is governmental land Israel inherited from >the British mandate, which does not mean it has become part of their right, >because West Jerusalem is not rightfully Israel's but rather a part of the >Corpus Separatum determined in the UN resolutions, primarily the Partition >Resolution. No country recognizes Jerusalem [as capital of Israel] and >therefore, there are no foreign embassies in it. This unique status of >Jerusalem enables us to demand our rights in West Jerusalem. > >Our overall view of the future is that East Jerusalem will be the capital >of the Palestinian State, and West Jerusalem a capital for them. The >borders, however, must be open and the relationship between the two sides >must continue. Then, there should be additional administrative or security >measures in order to run these two parts without contradicting the >interests of either of the parties, and without damaging our sovereignty >over East Jerusalem. > >Question: Are you using West Jerusalem as a bargaining chip? > >Al-Husseini: It is not a bargaining chip, but rather part of our rights. It >is non-negotiable. We Palestinians own 70 percent of West Jerusalem, >including property and holy places. How can we overlook these rights?! >This is not a tactical process... > >A recent Israeli public opinion poll showed that 36 percent of the Israelis >would agree, for the purpose of a lasting peace with the Palestinians, to >make concessions on Jerusalem. The talk of [Jerusalem as] a taboo are >over. The Israeli officials cannot claim there is an Israeli consensus on >this issue... > >Question: How can you talk about open borders, when Barak stresses that the >purpose of the negotiations with the Palestinians is to achieve a full and >comprehensive separation from the Palestinians? > >Al-Husseini: ...The complete and over all separation between the two >peoples requires that there be a specific position for the two peoples: the >West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is all Palestinian land that cannot >[include] Israeli sovereign areas in it. This is what separation means. >But if [Barak] insists on leaving the settlements in our territories in any >way shape or form, it means he creates a situation similar to that of >Bosnia-Herzegovina. > >Question: Barak said recently that if the Palestinians continue to demand >everything, the situation would end up like in Kosovo... > >Al-Husseini: Our position is like that of the Albanians [in Kosovo], and the >Israelis are closer to the Serbs, which means that if he insists on that, >his destiny will be like the Serbs. > >The Beilin-Abu Mazen Document > >Question: Some Palestinians expressed concerns that the alleged "Beilin-Abu >Mazen" document would become the goal of the negotiations, especially >regarding Jerusalem, although Palestinian officials, including yourself, >refute the existence of this document? > >Al-Husseini: It is not me who refutes that. Beilin himself said that we did >not sign or agree to this document. He also said that the most important >thing regarding this document is that neither of the sides agreed to it. It >was an Israeli suggestion Beilin presented to Mahmoud Abbas [Abu Mazen] and >other Palestinians. It does not reflect the Palestinian position or Abu >Mazen's position. > >Question: Can you elaborate on what was included in the document? > >Al-Husseini: The document included the enlargement of Jerusalem's current >borders so they would include the Abu Dis, Al-'Eizairya, and the rest of the >villages that surround the city, as well as the settlements Ma'ale Adumim >and Pisgat Zeev. The Palestinians would declare part of "the new enlarged >Jerusalem" as their capital and Israel would announce the other part was >its >capital. The Jewish areas would remain under Israeli sovereignty. The >Palestinian places would come under a joint sovereignty or civil government, >and Palestinian sovereignty would be [applied] gradually. This process >would continue for 25 years, after which, the future of the Old City would >be determined. When this was presented to me, I asked: "Why not 25 weeks?" >This does not mean that I agreed to the proposal. Rather, I wanted to tell >them that they want 25 years to completely erase our existence. > >Beilin told Abu Mazen that these were ideas to be negotiated, and asked him >if he agreed to this idea, Abu Mazen said he did not. Beilin asked Abu >Mazen if he was satisfied with these ideas as a basis for the negotiations, >Abu Mazen's reply was negative. Beilin asked Abu Mazen if he could tell >Rabin that Abu Mazen reviewed these ideas, Abu Mazen agreed. Beilin took >the ideas to Rabin, but Rabin was assassinated before he had a chance to >see the document... > >Al-Husseini's Status as PA Negotiator > >Question: The Israeli media campaigned against your membership in the >Palestinian Final Status negotiation team, because you are a citizen of >Jerusalem. What is your comment? > >Al-Husseini: This is unacceptable? It would mean that no Israeli living in >Jerusalem can participate in the negotiations, including Barak, whose >chamber is in West Jerusalem, because the negotiations will deal with all >of Jerusalem and not East Jerusalem only. > >Endnotes: > >(1) Al-Hayat (London), September 26, 1999 > >The Middle East Media and Research Institute (MEMRI) is an independent, >non-profit organization providing translations of the Arab media and original >analysis and research on developments in the Middle East. Copies of articles >and documents cited, as well as background information, are available upon >request.
(2) ***Update: Note that one Biblical prophecy interpretor, Dan Millar, has selected February 23/24 as the monthly date for the declaration of the Antichrist. On this date in 1998, Osama bin Laden issued anti-American fatwas and Saddam Hussein issued a Freedom from America holiday. On this date in 1999, the secret draft of Rambouillette (sp?) Accords were finalized and presented to Milosevic but not the People of Kosovo. Following this event was the bombing of Christians by Christians - the first hint of Anitchristianity?
--- Philip
(3) http://x32.deja.com/=yahoo/getdoc.xp?AN=543290117&CONTEXT=941647993.2081357837&hitnum=6
Subject: BARAK TO PROPOSE STATE OF PALESTINE From: dmayer76@aol.com (Dmayer76) Date: 1999/11/01 Message-ID: <19991101183644.11282.00001323@ng-fi1.aol.com> Newsgroups: alt.politics.socialism [More Headers]
Barak will offer statehood to Palestinians in February accord
PM to demand Palestinian recognition of West J'lem as Israeli capital
By Akiva Eldar, Ha'aretz Correspondent The framework agreement to be signed by Israel and the Palestinians this coming February will include Israeli acceptance of the establishment of a Palestinian state in part of the territories, according to the results of informal contacts between Israel, the United States and the Palestinian Authority.
The actual establishment of the Palestinian state will occur on the eve of the signing of the detailed final agreement, which is slated for the end of next year. Senior diplomatic sources explain that Israel prefers to sign an agreement with a recognized state rather than with a temporary authority or the Palestine Liberation Organization, which has signed agreements until now.
Prime Minister Ehud Barak would prefer that the implementation of the framework agreement take place only after the signing of the fully detailed agreement, but he does not object to the principle of the Palestinians' establishing their independent entity in any way they choose - including a sovereign state - as part of the framework agreement.
As a result of recent contacts between the parties, it appears Barak wants the framework agreement to include several key points:
l There will be no return to the 1967 borders
l Settlements around Jerusalem and along the Green Line will be concentrated into three main blocks
l Settlers choosing to remain in the Palestinian-controlled areas will get special rights - as will Palestinians choosing to remain in the Israel-controlled areas
l Jerusalem will remain undivided but will be expanded to include Palestinian neighborhoods, with the Palestinians recognizing West Jerusalem as Israel's capital. (No decision has been reached on the fate of the Old City. According to one proposal, offered by Ministers Yossi Beilin and Haim Ramon, the Old City would remain on the negotiating table for future talks.)
l The Palestinians will give up the right of return to territory inside the Green Line, but the refugees from 1967 will be allowed back into the territories according to the new entity's ability to absorb them. Israel will compensate the refugees from 1948 for their lost property and will enlist international support for their rehabilitation outside Israel.
l The Palestinian state will be demilitarized, and will not sign any military agreements with states hostile to Israel.
l The two sides will establish security arrangements to protect both states from external threats.
So far, the United States is backing the Palestinians' position calling for implementation of the framework agreement immediately upon its signing in February 2000. According to an Israeli source close to the Palestinians, PA negotiators Abu Mazen and Abu Ala convinced PA Chairman Yasser Arafat that operative moves toward the establishment of a Palestinian state, even within temporary borders, should begin immediately after the signing of the framework of principles.
Barak knows that it is difficult to make a deal between a sovereign state and a national liberation movement. Such a deal is bound to last only as an interim agreement in which one side remains the occupier and the other remains the occupied. None of the agreements signed since Oslo, through the Sharm el Sheikh agreement, touched on the issue of sovereignty. So far, all the agreements have dealt with the division of responsibility, whether civilian or military, between the state of Israel and the temporary Palestinian Authority. The Americans maneuvered within this assymetric equation by referring to them as "the Israeli side and the Palestinian side."
But final status agreements are different. The PLO cannot be a partner to an international agreement that settles the conflict between two sovereign states. For example, the PLO cannot commit the Palestinian entity to refrain from military alliances with elements hostile to Israel.
Thus, heading into the final status talks, the issue of the partner has raised the question of the Palestinian state. How can Israel sign an agreement with a state before it is established? Especially when Israel's agreement to the establishment of such a state is an important negotiating card.
Barak's solution is found in the two-stage framework laid down at Sharm. A Palestinian entity will be the first article mentioned in the framework agreement to be signed in February. That will allow Arafat to establish an independent state within the temporary borders of Area A on the eve of the signing of the final, detailed agreement - and allow the prime minister to head into a referendum with a draft treaty with a state, not with a former national liberation (terror) organization.
Haaretz, 1999
