Osama Bin Laden's Family business, Saudi Binladin Group, has bowed out of the Carlyle Group that is backed by Bush Sr. and John Major, the former UK Prime Minister.
The Carlyle Group, a large U.S. military defense contractor stands to gain large profits by the illegal war waged by Bush Jr.
Please note that The Saudi Binladin Group is still venture partners with Halliburton through Bredaro-Shaw and has done projects for Enron.
As noted in the 2 previous posts, Halliburton, when headed by Cheney and Enron have built and contracted for gas and oil facilities and infrastructure in Turkmenistan and Japan in cooperation with the Chinese, Japanese and a German/Israeli/UK company, BATEMAN.
Halliburton has also been cited for illegal business operations in Iraq, Iran and Libya.
There seems to be an obvious conflict of interest with those who are supposed to be our government leaders.
I do not see how we can expect them to ethically steer the United States of America when their actions indicate they are motivated by profit, even if obtained illegally against U.S. sanctions.
It is expecially pertinent that these same people specialize in the oil/gas and defense industries.
Also they have participated in building the gas facilities that are needed to pipeline the gas across Afghanistan through Pakistan to the Indian Ocean to be shipped to China & Japan.
The main gas facility for this pipeline project has opened on schedule in October in Turkmentistan.
This coincides with the U.S. presense in Afghanistan that happens to be bombing along the proposed pipeline route.
How did the United States of America come to being run by people who are using our country as a front to pursue their private business interests?
More references given after article.
___________________________________________________________
TUESDAY OCTOBER 23 2001
From The Times of London
News International
Final 4
Page 30
Bin Laden family to end ties to Carlyle
FROM CHRIS AYRES IN NEW YORK
THE family of Osama bin Laden is close to ending its relationship with the Carlyle Group, the US investment group backed by George Bush Snr, the former President, and John Major, the former Prime Minister.
It is understood that Carlyle Group and the Saudi Binladin Group, the Middle Eastern conglomerate owned by the family of bin Laden, have decided to part company by “mutual consent”.
The end of the relationship comes in spite of the fact that Osama bin Laden, the terrorist blamed for the September 11 attacks against the US, has been disowned by the family. The family has distanced itself even further from the al-Qaeda leader by using a different spelling of its name.
It is also thought that Mr Bush has signalled his determination to remain an adviser to Carlyle, whose interests in the defence industry make it the eleventh largest military contractor in the US.
Mr Bush has been accused by political activists of indirectly profiting from the war being waged against the Taleban by his son, George W. Bush.
Carlyle’s involvement with the Binladin Group, one of the biggest companies in the Middle East, is natural given the company’s extensive interests in the region. The former President’s close relationship with the Saudi royal family has helped Carlyle to attract wealthy investors from the Middle East.
The Binladin family, whose empire generates annual revenues estimated at $5 billion (£3.5 billion), has been dubbed “Saudi Arabia’s answer to the Rockefellers”. The Binladin Group has been involved in projects ranging from expanding the mosque in Mecca to building military support facilities for US forces in Saudi Arabia during the Gulf War.
After the September 11 attacks, 11 members of the Binladin family fled the US, leaving only one behind, Abdullah Binladin. Mr Binladin is thought to be living under around-the-clock protection from the FBI.
Asked if the Binladin family were still investors in Carlyle, a source close to the company replied: “They are still investors, but they are probably not going to be investors that far into the future.”
The source added that the Binladin family were investors in certain Carlyle investment funds, not the company as a whole. The size of the family’s investment is not known, although it is thought to be less than $10 million.
Asked why the Binladin family would end its relationship with Carlyle, the source said: “I am not party to those conversations, but it would be a mutual thing.”
It has also emerged that Carlyle, a diversified investment group, is considering scaling back its $657 million European venture capital fund. About 23 per cent of the fund has been invested so far, but the results are thought to have been disappointing.
http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/0,,5-2001365686,00.html
______________________________________________________________
GLOBALIST TERRORIST HEADQUARTERS: OUR WHITE HOUSE?
http://www.rumormillnews.net/cgi-bin/config.pl?read=11809
BINLADIN: A FAMILY BUSINESS
http://www.rumormillnews.net/cgi-bin/config.pl?read=11818
THE BUSHLADEN SCANDAL COVER-UP CONTINUES
http://www.rumormillnews.net/cgi-bin/config.pl?read=13481
: Yes, this is how crazy it gets!
: Up until Dick Cheney became our VP, his company, Halliburton's
: Dresser subsidaries did business with Iraq, Iran and Libya
: under agreements he made as the CEO of Halliburton.
: Dick Cheney was the Secretary of Defense under Bush The Senior
: when the Gulf War took place.
: So, as The Secretary of Defense he bombed the heck out of
: Iraq.
: Well, business is business.
: So when you bomb an oil facility, who is the best one to come
: in and rebuild it?
: You got it.
: Dick Cheney and his company Halliburton.
: Who is our current VP under Bush The Younger?
: (I know it sounds like an insane script).
: And who ran the company of Halliburton until he became our VP?
: Dick Cheney!!!!!
: Who has been doing business with Binladin and the Chinese and
: Japanese to get the gas and oil shipped to them from
: Turkmenistan?
: Halliburton!!!!!
: Here are the articles detailing Hallibuton's illegal deals
: with Iraq, Iran and Libya.
: I will have to reproduce it in full since I have it from WSJ.
: What will follow is another article from WSJ fron last
: February showing Cheney heading a Halliburton office in
: Iran, then an article dated 4 days before 911 about
: Halliburton getting a HUGE contract to build a gas facility
: in Japan.
:
: _______________________________________________________________
: Firm's Iraq Deals Greater Than Cheney Has Said; Affiliates Had
: $73 Million in Contracts
: Colum Lynch
: 06/23/2001
: The Washington Post
: FINAL
: Page A01
: UNITED NATIONS -- During last year's presidential campaign,
: Richard B. Cheney acknowledged that the oil-field supply
: corporation he headed, Halliburton Co., did business with
: Libya and Iran through foreign subsidiaries. But he
: insisted that he had imposed a "firm policy"
: against trading with Iraq.
: "Iraq's different," he said.
: According to oil industry executives and confidential United
: Nations records, however, Halliburton held stakes in two
: firms that signed contracts to sell more than $73 million
: in oil production equipment and spare parts to Iraq while
: Cheney was chairman and chief executive officer of the
: Dallas-based company.
: Two former senior executives of the Halliburton subsidiaries
: say that, as far as they knew, there was no policy against
: doing business with Iraq. One of the executives also says
: that although he never spoke directly to Cheney about the
: Iraqi contracts, he is certain Cheney knew about them.
: Mary Matalin, Cheney's counselor, said that if he "was
: ever in a conversation or meeting where there was a
: question of pursuing a project with someone in Iraq, he
: said, 'No.' "
: "In a joint venture, he would not have reviewed all their
: existing contracts," Matalin said. "The nature of
: those joint ventures was that they had a separate governing
: structure, so he had no control over them."
: The trade was perfectly legal. Indeed, it is a case study of
: how U.S. firms routinely use foreign subsidiaries and joint
: ventures to avoid the opprobrium of doing business with
: Baghdad, which does not violate U.S. law as long as it
: occurs within the "oil-for-food" program run by
: the United Nations.
: Halliburton's trade with Iraq was first reported by The
: Washington Post in February 2000. But U.N. records recently
: obtained by The Post show that the dealings were more
: extensive than originally reported and than Vice President
: Cheney has acknowledged.
: As secretary of defense in the first Bush administration,
: Cheney helped to lead a multinational coalition against
: Iraq in the Persian Gulf War and to devise a comprehensive
: economic embargo to isolate Saddam Hussein's government.
: After Cheney was named in 1995 to head Halliburton, he
: promised to maintain a hard line against Baghdad.
: But in 1998, Cheney oversaw Halliburton's acquisition of
: Dresser Industries Inc., which exported equipment to Iraq
: through two subsidiaries of a joint venture with another
: large U.S. equipment maker, Ingersoll-Rand Co.
: The subsidiaries, Dresser-Rand and Ingersoll Dresser Pump Co.,
: sold water and sewage treatment pumps, spare parts for oil
: facilities and pipeline equipment to Baghdad through French
: affiliates from the first half of 1997 to the summer of
: 2000, U.N. records show. Ingersoll Dresser Pump also signed
: contracts -- later blocked by the United States -- to help
: repair an Iraqi oil terminal that U.S.-led military forces
: destroyed in the Gulf War.
: Former executives at the subsidiaries said they had never
: heard objections -- from Cheney or any other Halliburton
: official -- to trading with Baghdad.
: "Halliburton and Ingersoll-Rand, as far as I know, had no
: official policy about that, other than we would be in
: compliance with applicable U.S. and international
: laws," said Cleive Dumas, who oversaw Ingersoll
: Dresser Pump's business in the Middle East, including Iraq.
: Halliburton's primary concern, added Ingersoll-Rand's former
: chairman, James E. Perrella, "was that if we did
: business with [the Iraqi regime], that it be allowed by the
: United States government. If it wasn't allowed, we wouldn't
: do it."
: Dumas and Perrella said their companies' commercial links to
: the Iraqi oil industry began before the U.N. Security
: Council imposed an oil embargo on Baghdad in the wake of
: its 1990 invasion of Kuwait.
: They returned to dealing with Iraq after the council
: established the "oil-for-food" program in
: December 1996, permitting Iraq to export oil under U.N.
: supervision and use the proceeds to buy food, medicine and
: humanitarian goods. The program was expanded in 1998 to
: allow Iraq to import spare parts for its oil facilities.
: The Halliburton subsidiaries joined dozens of American and
: foreign oil supply companies that helped Iraq increase its
: crude exports from $4 billion in 1997 to nearly $18 billion
: in 2000. Since the program began, Iraq has exported oil
: worth more than $40 billion.
: The proceeds funded a sharp increase in the country's
: nutritional standards, nearly doubling the food rations
: distributed to Iraq's poor.
: But U.S. and European officials acknowledged that the expanded
: production also increased Saddam Hussein's capacity to
: siphon off money for weapons, luxury goods and palaces.
: Security Council diplomats estimate that Iraq may be
: skimming off as much as 10 percent of the proceeds from the
: oil-for-food program.
: Cheney has offered contradictory accounts of how much he knew
: about Halliburton's dealings with Iraq. In a July 30, 2000,
: interview on ABC-TV's "This Week," he denied that
: Halliburton or its subsidiaries traded with Baghdad.
: "I had a firm policy that we wouldn't do anything in
: Iraq, even arrangements that were supposedly legal,"
: he said. "We've not done any business in Iraq since
: U.N. sanctions were imposed on Iraq in 1990, and I had a
: standing policy that I wouldn't do that."
: Cheney modified his response in an interview on the same
: program three weeks later, after he was informed that a
: Halliburton spokesman had acknowledged that Dresser Rand
: and Ingersoll Dresser Pump traded with Iraq.
: He said he was unaware that the subsidiaries were doing
: business with the Iraqi regime when Halliburton purchased
: Dresser Industries in September 1998.
: "We inherited two joint ventures with Ingersoll-Rand that
: were selling some parts into Iraq ," Cheney explained,
: "but we divested ourselves of those interests."
: The divestiture, however, was not immediate. The firms traded
: with Baghdad for more than a year under Cheney, signing
: nearly $30 million in contracts before he sold
: Halliburton's 49 percent stake in Ingersoll Dresser Pump
: Co. in December 1999 and its 51 percent interest in Dresser
: Rand to Ingersoll-Rand in February 2000, according to U.N.
: records.
: Perrella said he believes Halliburton officials must have
: known about the Iraqi links before they purchased Dresser.
: "They obviously did due diligence," he said.
: And even if Cheney was not told about the business with
: Baghdad before the purchase, Perrella said, the CEO almost
: certainly would have learned about it after the
: acquisition. "Oh, definitely, he was aware of the
: business," Perrella said, although Perrella conceded
: that this was an assumption based on knowledge of how the
: company worked, not a fact to which he could personally
: attest because he never discussed the Iraqi contracts with
: Cheney.
: A long-time critic of unilateral U.S. sanctions, which he has
: argued penalize American companies while failing to punish
: the targeted regimes, Cheney has pushed for a review of
: U.S. policy toward countries such as Iraq, Iran and Libya.
: In the first expression of that new thinking, the Bush
: administration is campaigning in the U.N. Security Council
: to end an 11-year embargo on sales of civilian goods,
: including oil-related equipment, to Iraq.
: U.S. officials say the new policy is aimed at easing
: restrictions on companies that conduct legitimate trade
: with Iraq, while clamping down on weapons smuggling and
: other black-market activity.
: If the plan is approved, there would be "nothing to stop
: Iraq from importing [as many] oil spare parts as it
: needs" from Halliburton and other suppliers, according
: to a British official who briefed reporters on the proposal
: when it was introduced last month.
: Cheney resigned as chairman of Halliburton last August.
: Although he has retained stock options worth about $8
: million, he has arranged to donate to charity any profits
: from the eventual exercise of those options, Glover Weiss
: said.
: Confidential U.N. documents show that Halliburton's affiliates
: have had broad, and sometimes controversial, dealings with
: the Iraqi regime.
: For instance, the documents detail more than $2.5 million in
: contracts between Ingersoll Dresser Pump Co. and Iraq that
: were blocked by the Clinton administration. They included
: agreements by the firm to sell $760,000 in spare parts,
: compressors and firefighting equipment to refurbish an
: offshore oil terminal, Khor al Amaya.
: The Persian Gulf terminal was badly damaged during the 1980-88
: Iran-Iraq War and later was destroyed by allied warplanes
: during Operation Desert Storm. At the time, Cheney was
: secretary of defense.
: Washington halted the sale because the facility was "not
: authorized under the oil-for-food deal," according to
: U.N. documents. Under the terms of the oil-for-food
: program, Baghdad is permitted to export crude oil, subject
: to U.N. supervision, through only two terminals, Ceyhan in
: Turkey and Mina al Bakr on the Persian Gulf.
: The equipment was never delivered to Iraq, but Baghdad
: subsequently repaired the Khor al Amaya facility on its
: own.
: A senior Iraqi oil ministry official, Faiz Shaheen, told an
: official Iraqi newspaper that Iraq would soon be able to
: export about 600,000 barrels a day of crude oil from the
: terminal.
: Dumas said he was not aware of the dispute over the Khor al
: Amaya terminal. It was unlikely, he added, that Cheney or
: other top Halliburton executives would have known about the
: specific deals. "We had great independence in running
: our business," he said.
: U.S. officials say the Bush administration is prepared to
: allow Iraq to resume exports from Khor al Amaya, as long as
: the earnings are placed in a U.N. escrow account that is
: used to pay for humanitarian supplies and further
: improvements to the oil industry.
: "The U.S. attitude towards Iraqi exports has evolved
: considerably," said James A. Placke, a
: Washington-based analyst for Cambridge Energy Research
: Associates, a consulting firm. "They used to tightly
: restrict Iraqi oil exports, and now there is no limitation
: on Iraqi exports."
: Iraq's power to entice foreign investment, meanwhile, has
: increased with the soaring demand for oil. U.S. companies,
: which have been able to trade with Iraq only through
: foreign subsidiaries and middlemen, are wary of dealing
: with Baghdad but eager to get a piece of the action,
: according to industry sources.
: "The American oil industry is very interested in trying
: to enter Iraq," said J. Robinson West, chairman of
: Petroleum Finance Co., a consulting firm. "But I think
: that they are quite respectful of U.S. policy towards
: Saddam Hussein. There is a very strong feeling that in fact
: he is the greatest threat to oil production in the Middle
: East."
: http://www.washingtonpost.com
: Contact: http://www.washingtonpost.com
: Also basically same information at:
: http://www.spotlight.org/01_05_01/Cheney_Profits_from_Iraq_Deals/cheney_profits_from_iraq_deals.html
: ____________________________________________________________
: Halliburton
: Connected to
: Office in Iran
: ---
: Firm Cheney Headed
: Says It Doesn't Breach
: U.S. Sanctions Law
: By Wall Street Journal staff reporters Hugh Pope in Tehran ,
: Iran, and Neil King Jr. in Washington
: 02/01/2001
: The Wall Street Journal
: Page A17
: Halliburton Co., the U.S. oil-services giant until recently
: headed by Vice President Richard Cheney , has opened an
: office in Tehran and operated in Iran in possible violation
: of U.S. sanctions.
: Since 1995, U.S. laws have banned most American commerce with
: Iran. Halliburton Products and Services Ltd. works behind
: an unmarked door on the ninth floor of a new north Tehran
: tower block. A brochure declares that the company was
: registered in 1975 in the Cayman Islands, is based in the
: Persian Gulf sheikdom of Dubai and is
: "non-American." But, like the sign over the
: receptionist's head, the brochure bears the Dallas
: company's name and red emblem, and offers services from
: Halliburton units around the world.
: Mr. Cheney 's spokesman, Juleanna Glover-Weiss, declined to
: comment, except to say that "the vice president is no
: longer head of Halliburton and has severed all ties to the
: company."
: But a U.S. official said a Halliburton office in Tehran would
: violate at least the spirit of American law. The Treasury
: Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control declined to
: comment on a specific company, referring inquiries to a Web
: site summary of Iran sanctions that bans almost all U.S.
: trade and investment with Iran, specifically in oil
: services. The Web site adds: "No U.S. person may
: approve or facilitate the entry into or performance of
: transactions or contracts with Iran by a foreign subsidiary
: of a U.S. firm that the U.S. person is precluded from
: performing directly. Similarly, no U.S. person may
: facilitate such transactions by unaffiliated foreign
: persons."
: An executive order signed by President Clinton in March 1995
: prohibits "new investments [in Iran] by U.S. persons,
: including commitment of funds or other assets." It
: also bars U.S. companies from performing services
: "that would benefit the Iranian oil industry."
: Violation of the order can result in fines of as much as
: $500,000 for companies and up to 10 years in jail for
: individuals.
: Halliburton spokeswoman Wendy Hall said the Tehran office
: didn't violate the Treasury Department's restrictions on
: foreign subsidiaries of U.S. firms operating in Iran.
: "This is not breaking any laws," Ms. Hall said.
: "This is a foreign subsidiary and no U.S. person is
: involved in this. No U.S. person is facilitating any
: transaction. We are not performing directly in that
: country." Ms. Hall suggested that other companies were
: performing in a similar fashion in Iran but did not
: elaborate.
: The Halliburton brochure in Tehran says the company has
: performed oil-drilling services on two offshore drilling
: contracts in the Iranian sector of the Persian Gulf. One is
: the Sirri field, being developed by France's TotalFinaElf
: SA, and the other is Phase 1 of the South Pars field, being
: developed by an Iranian company. "We are committed to
: position ourselves in a market that offers huge growth
: potential," it says.
: Halliburton's Tehran subsidiary opened nearly a year ago,
: workers in the building said. At that time Mr. Cheney was
: Halliburton's chief executive officer. He was such an
: outspoken critic of U.S. sanctions policy that Senate
: Majority Leader Trent Lott related last week that Mr.
: Cheney once called him "to complain vigorously about
: how we handle sanctions, unilateral sanctions, and what it
: was doing to undermine the ability of American companies to
: be competitive."
: U.S. companies feel left behind in the race to develop Iran's
: 90 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, about 9% of the
: world's total, and its natural-gas reserves, the second
: largest in the world. TotalFinaElf, Italy's ENI SpA and
: Asian companies have meanwhile ignored U.S. sanctions to
: sign up a potential $8 billion in deals since Iran opened
: up its oil industry to foreign investment in 1998.
: Iranians are convinced that the new Republican administration
: in Washington will soon relax a policy that has crippled
: their economy for years. Already last year, Washington
: allowed renewed imports of Iranian carpets, pistachio nuts
: and caviar. In January, Secretary of State Colin Powell
: told the U.S. Senate that "differences need not
: preclude greater interaction, whether in more normal
: commerce or increased dialogue."
: A January meeting in New York brought together Iranian Foreign
: Minister Kamal Kharrazi and the chiefs of Exxon Mobil
: Corp., Chevron Corp. and Conoco Inc. "The [Iranian]
: oil ministry is even keeping certain fields back for the
: [U.S.] majors ... and is encouraging them very much,"
: said Rocky Ansari, managing partner of Tehran legal
: advisers Cyrus Omron International. "A huge amount of
: investment is necessary for Iran to renovate the industry.
: That cannot only come from Europe."
: Foreign Minister Kharrazi told the Iranian national news
: agency IRNA in January that the time is right for the U.S.
: to "rectify" its policies. Foreign Ministry
: spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi likewise told an Iranian
: newspaper that there was a good opportunity for change and
: that Iran would give an "appropriate response" if
: the U.S. lifts sanctions.
: "It's in our interest, as well as America's. We can buy
: anything we want via Europe. But they know we can't get it
: from America, so it's more expensive for us," said one
: senior Iranian official.
: The official said Iran's mainstream conservative and reformist
: factions agreed on the basic need to restore relations
: broken after Iranian students seized 52 Americans in 1979
: and held them hostage in the former U.S. Embassy for 444
: days. Both Iranian factions agreed on what would be said
: when reformist President Mohammed Khatami appealed for an
: end to the wall of mistrust between the U.S. and Iran
: shortly after his election in 1997.
: The Iranian official said Iran was subsequently upset by U.S.
: "preconditions" about discussing American
: allegations of Iranian backing of terrorism, nuclear
: programs and opposition to the Middle East peace process.
: But he hoped for a new beginning if Mr. Khatami was
: re-elected president in June.
: A U.S. official in Washington said the U.S. was keen to sit
: down to talk with Iranian representatives "anytime,
: anywhere," but that Iran refuses to meet unless the
: U.S. puts aside all of its differences with Iranian
: policies.
: "It is absurd to say that we have imposed conditions upon
: any dialogue with Tehran ," the official said.
: "But at the same time, we're not going to enter into a
: bargain with Iran that would have us agreeing to set aside
: all the issues that separate us in order to begin to
: talk."
: ---
: Alexei Barrionuevo in Houston contributed to this article.
: ___________________________________________________________
: Halliburton , JGC Win Contract
: 09/07/2001
: The Wall Street Journal
: Page A8
: DALLAS -- Halliburton Co.'s Kellogg Brown & Root unit, in
: a joint venture with JGC Corp. of Yokohama, Japan, won an
: engineering-design contract for a Shell Gas & Power
: gas-to-liquids plant.
: Financial terms weren't disclosed, but Shell, a unit of Royal
: Dutch/Shell Group, said the contract was "worth tens
: of millions of dollars." The plant, whose location
: hasn't been determined, will convert gas to liquids free of
: aromatics and sulfur.
:
: ________________________________________________________________
:
: ________________________________________________________________
